TO WHAT EXTENT IS MULTILATERALISM EFFECTIVE? THE PATH FROM THE EUROPEAN SECURITY STRATEGY TO AN ENLARGED UN SECURITY COUNCIL (Master's Thesis)
24/07/2016 16:30
In this thesis, I have explored the cause-effect relation coming from the EU multilateral commitments taken since 2003 with the adoption of the European Security Strategy. As evidenced in such a document, the Union intended to strengthen its external policies in line with the ever-valid purpose of contributing to a better international scenario. Being the United Nations the oldest and prime organization still active on that front, the EU targeted it as its major partner and framework from which to begin the task. One by one, chapters bring to light how multilateralism has by far remained a big mission and many - including UN representatives as well as neutral academics - criticize it in terms of scarce results. Under the perspective of a citizen, student and - therefore - “supporter” of the EU, I have also attempted to go beyond the lacunas by offering some effective solutions (which today’s literature only mentions in piecemeal manner). Hence, first chapter gives an overview of the EU legal bases for standing in the IOs and the key features of multilateralism, i.e. definition and concrete strategy. It emerges from there that the Union has never joined the United Nations as a full member due to the fact that the latter was established earlier and its Parties are contrary to such accession; plus, the acquis communautaire has not facilitated it. With its odd position of observer of the UN, despite being enhanced by UNGA Resolution 65/76, the European Union has oftentimes ended up clashing against its Member States on various questions. In chapter two, the just said contrast is showed to have been triggered by both of them from their “lust” for unconditional power and has become recurring in the history of the EU up to penetrating into the UN General Assembly. Further, EU’s lack of internal coordination at that forum has lowered spirit of multilateralism to minimum levels. In the UN Security Council, the problem is different: the EU tries to act as if it had a seat yet it has none. In consequence, when represented by the sitting EU Member States the EU presence is over-perceived in the eyes of the others and multilateralism is again put at stake. Hurdles in either bodies have not really been solved with the novelties of the Lisbon Treaty. Main point of chapter three is that the Union’s awareness of the mistakes in coordinating at the UNGA and being represented at the UNSC has deteriorated the situation even more; most efforts have been made to remedying errors (unsuccessfully) while no regard has been given to the UN needs for reforms. My proposal starts here by answering to what the UN members want in order for an effective multilateralism. In general, more fields of action of the UN should be covered multilaterally: besides security and defense, examples highlight the sub-branch of disarmament and financing. Already-existing revitalizing resolutions at the UNGA help it improve its democratic nature and, owing to that, they should be continuously encouraged. As for structural reformations, the UNSC is envisaged to open the gates to a permanent EU seat absorbing those of France, the U.K. and the other two/three EU countries sitting temporarily (at present Spain and Lithuania). Aside from smoothing the bumps of over-representation, the solution should be working as a green light to welcome other states and non-state entities into the UN body primarily in charge of peace-keeping. The European Parliament as well as other international actors have expressed their positive view in relation to such a step change. Finally, chapter four argues that Article 23 UN Charter and a few provisions of the Lisbon Treaty would need to be revised, yet this is feasible in all likelihood. Soon or late, it is worth trying. Multilateralism is proved to be beneficial but necessitates to be effective.